第21 章 行為陷阱

219 體中，而且在群體中也會出現（Bazerman,Ciuliano，& Appelman,1984），盡管這可能僅對女性成立 （Brockner & Rubin,1985）。 在戀愛關係中也有誘捕現象存在。卡里爾•拉斯布林特（Cary! Rusbult， 1980）發現大學生在角色扮演的實驗中更加忠實於戀愛伴侶——並且較少可能與他人約會——如果他們的關係持續了一年而不是一個月。因此，在其他條件相同的情況下，學生在該關係中投入的時間是與他們未來的忠誠度直接相關的。 勝利解脫儘管陷阱難以逃脫，但它們很少能夠永遠持續。最終，等待的人們結束通話了電話。公司官員停止把錢投入到不良專案中。令人不悅的戀愛關係解除了。通常，問題不在於行為陷阱會永遠抓住受害者不放，而是回頭看時，人們希望他們更早地從陷阱中逃離出來。* 幸運的是，有一些方法可供減弱或避免誘捕（請回顧：Brockner & Rubin， 1985；Cross & Guyer, 1980;Staw & Ross, 1987）。一種由巴里 •斯塔和傑裡•羅斯（Barry Staw & Jery Ross,1987）提出的技術是在做出一個承諾之前“把結束的成本明確化”—就是說，在投人一項長期風險之前要清楚地考慮中止行為的代價。實驗證據表明，事先將投入成本清晰化可以使誘捕減弱或者消除 （Brockner, Rubin， & Lang, 1981; Nathanson et al.， 1982）。 在布羅克納和魯賓（1985，P.203）關於誘捕的專著中，他們建議決策者在任何可能的時候事先設定極限，並且用下述方法利用所設定的極限： 並不是說達到極限所設定的數量就馬上主動退出，決策者應該利用他們所設定的極限，點，作為一個重新衡量繼續或終止行為的決策時間點，而無論他們事先已經投入了多少。也就是說，如果個人決定繼續投資而超過事先設定的極限的話，應該以對未來的（而不是過去的）成本一效益分析為基礎。 在商業情境下，斯塔和羅斯（1987年3~4月）建議應該先回答這樣一個問題：“如果今天我是首次從事這個工作，發現這個專案正在進行中，我會支持它還是放棄它？”這個問題也可以很容易地運用到其他非商業情境下（比如， “假如今天我是第一次遇到這個人，我會被他吸引嗎？”） 另一個技巧是讓不同的人進行最初的和後續的決策（Bazerman, Giuliano， *有些集體陷阱，比如說人口膨脹、飢餓、環境惡化以及軍事衝突等，可能是這條法則的例外。這些問題可能有永久性的煩人特徵，並且有待時間檢驗人類是否有能力解決它們。

220 第六部分常見陷阱 & Appelman,1984；Staw & Ross,1987）。例如，商業貸款可以由一位銀行官員發放，然後由另一位人員來審查是否可以繼續簽約。這樣做的好處在於，後來的決定是由不必為先前錯誤負責的人做出的（因此基本沒有提高投入的理由）。 但是，這種方法也存在缺點，即決策的不連貫性以及 “組織記憶”（institutional memory）的潛在損失。 結論行為陷阱是生活中普遍存在的一部分，如果不加以關注，可能會導致嚴重後果。斯塔（1981）提出，很多有害的個人決策或者公共政策都是由連續的、 不斷升級的投入所導致（比如在越戰中的種種事例）。普拉特（1973，P. 651） 則更加極端，他說：“陷阱代表了我們當今幾乎所有難以駕馭的，大規模的城市、國家以及國際間出現的問題。” 但是，陷阱並不總是不好的。正如布羅克納和魯賓（1985）所說，有些情況下，人們刻意讓自己進入陷阱中。比如恢復中的嗜酒者，以前的吸菸者、暴飲暴食者常常鼓起勇氣在陷阱中等待著，目的是可以使他們“陷在”健康的生活方式裡。 當陷阱是合意的時候，決策者應該： V迴避有關誘捕成本的資訊。 V 儘量不要做出限定或評估繼續這樣做將花費的成本。 V 做出一個公開的、堅持下去的承諾。 V 與那些有相同目標的人們競賽。 與本書中討論的直覺以及偏好相同，行為陷阱並不總是好的或者壞的，心理學研究的目的也並不在於評判這些問題的好壞。而且，對誘捕行為的研究目的—以及一般性的決策研究—是更加侷限的。它的目的是，讓我們進一步瞭解決策過程是如何操作的，並且，在這樣做的過程中，讓我們的決策質量得到提高。

編後記：回顧在讀完了長達21章令人費解的問題和不合常理的結果後，現在我們需要回顧並反思一下以上種種的含義。決策者們是否根本就毫無理性可言？那些用於糾正決策偏差的策略是否有什麼潛在的共通之處？這本書裡面各種結論的局限在哪裡？而研究決策的學者們對於上述理論又是如何應用的？以下的回顧部分將一一作出解答。 偏差不一定都是非理性的在第21章中提到過，心理學研究的目的不在於判定偏差是好是壞。本書中所討論的大部分研究結果同時具有積極和消極的一面。舉例來說，有大量證據表明一個膨脹的自我形象有助於身心健康 （Taylor & Brown,1998）。儘管本書的章節中反映出“華而不實的非理性”在目前的決策研究中占主導地位 （Lopes, 1991），但仍需強調的是，決策和判斷中的偏差並不一定是有害或者非理性的。洛拉 • 洛佩斯（Lola Lopes,1982）指出，在大多數時候，理性的含義不僅止於正確性。理性的策略可能就是決策者所期望獲得的結果。 在一些情境中，決策者可能首要考慮的是如何避免災難性事件的發生，其次才是效用最大化。在另一些情境中，他們可能選擇讓朋友和家人而非他們自已獲利。而在其他情境中，他們會和那些理想化的“理性角色”一樣，依照期望效用理論去追求效用最大化。決策者們可能追求任意數量的目標，那麼僅僅用一個標準化的標尺來給理性下定義就不準確。 此外，即使在某些期望效用框架中決策者充當了“理性角色”，我們也沒有理由假定最優的選擇總是能夠將效用最大化。洛佩斯已經在基本歸因誤差 （見第16章）中指出了這一點。根據洛佩斯（1982，P. 633）的觀點，基本歸因誤差“是一種傾向，即我們總是會把他人的行為歸因於穩定的人格變數，而不是那些短暫且經常是模糊的情境因素。但有可能這根本不是一種誤差，無論是在物理環境中還是在社會環境中，我們都必須儘可能好地預期和控制他人行為對自身的影響。因此，如果某些影響是可預期的，哪怕只是透過一些個體的某幾個行為而微弱地表現出來，是否能把它找出來對於我們就顯得很重要。” 因此，這種傾向於將行為歸因於個性的方式，也許會得到更為理性的歸因結果。

222 編後記：回顧究其原因，讓我們來考慮一下圖A.1中虛構且高度簡化的損益分析圖示。 如果洛佩斯關於覺察個性因素重要性的假說是正確的，那麼正確辨認個性因素將得到較高的收益（+3），而遺漏了個性因素將會得到較高的懲罰（-3）。另一方面，情境因素被精確地覺察（+1）或被錯失（-1）所帶來的損益不大。 為了討論的方便，我們假設情境因素的發生機率約為60%，進一步假設決策者不知道應該做出何種歸因。那麼根據圖 A. 1 中的情況，怎樣才能做出一個 “理性”的歸因呢？ 在此種情況下，個性因素的歸因得到最大的平均報償。習慣將行為歸因於個性因素的決策者將獲得平均+.60的效用（有60%的可能當時的報償為-1， 但有40%的可能當時的報償為+3）；然而，習慣將行為歸因於情境因素的決策者將獲得平均-.60 的效用（有60%的可能當時的報償為+1，但有40%的可能當時的報償為-3）。即使情境歸因的正確率高於個性歸因，效用最大化的歸因方式還是將行為歸因於個性因素（即基本歸因誤差）。 當然，圖A.1中的報償僅僅是假設中的。我們無法估計一生中無數次歸因中成功與失敗的效用，也無法評定情境因素和個性因素出現的相關頻次。計算機模擬的直覺決策表明，我們為某些偏差所付出的代價常常不算大。舉例而言，沃倫• 索恩蓋特（Waren Thorngate,1980）發現，忽視了機率資訊的直覺幾乎和基於機率的決策效果一樣好。唐 •克菜門茨（Don Kleinmuntz,1985） 發現，當重複的判斷任務提供了反饋時，忽略了基本比率資訊的直覺表現也相行為的實際原因個性情境個性 +3 -1 歸因情境 -3 +1 圖A.1 圖中的數字代表了四種不同的歸因結果的想像值。根據這一模型，基本歸因誤差 （右上角的單元格）所造成的損失並沒有遺漏個性歸困所造成的損失（左下角的單元格）大， 而正確進行個性歸因（左上角的單元格）所帶來的獎勵比正確進行情境歸因（右下角的單元格）所帶來的獎勵要大。在這些情況下，決策者對行為過分進行個性歸因是情有可原的。

編後記：回顧 223 當好。由此得出結論，在無法正常取得機率及基本比率資訊的情況下，直覺有可能帶來比標準化決策更有吸引力的選擇。 以上的結論並非告訴決策者們發生偏差優於沒有偏差。很多事例都可以證明決策和判斷中的偏差可能導致重大問題（例如醫療中的誤診）。但是，上述發現試圖將偏差置於決策和判斷中的適當角度，並且證明，偏差不總意味著非理性。 一個普遍的思路儘管理性比正確意義更大，但在絕大多數的情境下，決策者們仍然努力做出最為精準的判斷。因此，決策研究者們一直致力於找出有效的“去偏差”技巧 （debiasing）（即能夠減少判斷中偏差和誤差的技巧）。在某些場合，只需要對潛在問題進行簡單瞭解就可以避免上述問題。例如，熟悉和了解誘捕原理的人們不大可能被誘捕（Nathanson et al.，1982）。但多數情況下，僅憑警告是不足以消除偏差和誤差的。 本書已就各種減少偏差技巧進行了討論——消除過度自信，事後之明的偏差，框架效應，集一思維，歸因偏差等等。很自然地，我們想知道這些去偏差技巧是否具有某些共性。 冒著過分簡單化的風險，但沒有刻意將去偏差策略縮減為共通主題，我們發現確實存在一種共性。 多數行之有效的去偏差技巧都考慮到了看待問題時使用不同的視角。 舉例來講，認真考慮發生謬誤的原因通常能夠降低過度自信的程度。事後之明的偏差能夠透過事前思考不同結果產生的原因而得到降低甚至消除。當同樣的問題被放在不同的框架中考慮時，框架效應自然會減輕。如果群體中存在一個能夠和大家唱反調的角色，集一思維就能夠避免。參與者一旁觀者在歸因中的差別能夠透過交換二者視角的方法來消除。在所有這些情境中，“考慮對立面”都能夠為判斷帶來更高的準確度。 與上面的主題相一致的是，還有證據表明移情能夠消除某些社會判斷中的偏差。邁克爾•斯托姆斯（Michael Storms,1973）透過研究認為參與者一旁觀者的歸因差別能夠透過轉變一者的視角而消除（見第16章）。兩年之後，丹尼斯•裡甘和朱迪思 •託騰（Dennis Regan & Judith Totten,1975）發現對移情的指示也有相同效果。在這個研究中被試的指導語有兩種，一種是指示被試只簡單觀察一場二人對話中的一人（命名為瑪格麗特的某人），另一種是指示被試對她進行移情（想像瑪格麗特在對話中的感受）。 裡甘和託騰（1975）發現，簡單觀察被試對瑪格麗特行為的歸因多傾向於個性因素而非情境因素，而對瑪格麗特發生移情的被試對她行為的歸因則傾向

224 編後記：回顧於情境因素而非個性因素。換句話說，對移情的指示產生了與之前斯托姆斯得到的結論相同的效果：移情消除了參與者一旁觀者的歸因差別。 一年後，魯思•加爾珀（Ruth Galper）發表了類似研究，她也獲得了相同的結論。加爾珀（1976，P.333）對此歸納如下： 未被指示移情的參與者表現出典型的“觀察者偏差”，認為人格因素的重要性高於情境因素。另一方面，被指示 “移情” 的被試表現出反轉性的歸因，他們認為人格因素的重要性低於情境性因素。而斯托姆斯 （1973）證明了一個字面上的視角改變能夠系統地影響參與者和旁觀者的歸因偏差，本研究證明了一個虛擬的“視角改變”能夠引發旁觀者不經意的“類似參與者”的歸因。 這些研究都指出在最終判斷前，參考其他相異觀點的重要性（Anderson， 1982;Lord,Lepper，& Preston,1984）。儘管沒有一種去偏差技巧是萬能的， 但在看待問題時使用不同的視角通常能夠提高決策和判斷的質量和水平。 對於不好的訊息…… 拋開對去偏差技巧和其他主題的決策研究的種種有用之處不談，本書的很多結論仍然存在許多侷限。某些侷限是由本書主題覆蓋範圍有限造成的，而另外一些則來源於決策研究本身所存在的問題。 正如前言中說過的那樣，本書並未對決策和判斷的研究情況作出詳盡描述。而且書中的很多主題是有意選取的一些令人震驚的、娛樂的和能夠激起大家興趣的話題。很多相當重要的研究領域僅以最簡略的方式做了說明，並且從實際出發，一些非常好的研究根本沒有提及。以下舉兩個例子，來說明這些局限是怎樣影喻研究結論的普遍性的。 首先，第17 章簡略提過“承擔責任和義務”對於決策的強大影響力。對自身行為有責任感的決策者不會像沒有責任感的人那樣過度自信（Tetlock & Kim,1987），表現出較低的社會性懈怠（Weldon & Gargano,1983），以及更高的複雜問題分析能力（Hagafors & Breher,1983；Tetlock,1983）。正如菲利普•泰特洛克等人（Philip Tetlock,Linda Skitka， & Richard Boettger, 1989, p. 640）所指出的：“一個人的思維模式部分取決於他為什麼思考。”任何關於決策的整體討論都必須考慮到上述關係，且被試對自己行為的負責任程度應當成為為研究結論評分的一個指標。 第二，決策和判斷在相當大程度上取決於諸如決策者可使用的時間和決策者的情緒這類具有環境特徵的因素。當時間緊迫時，決策者選用簡單化的策略，只注意到少量線索，並作出相對而言低風險的選擇（Ben Zur & Breznitz， 1981;Rothstein,1986；Wright, 1974）。而情緒好的決策者可能更富有創造力編後記：回顧 1 225 （Isen,Daubman，& Nowicki, 1987），覺得負面事件的發生機率相對較低或不可能發生（Johnson & Tversky, 1983； Salovey & Bimbaum, 1989；Wright & Bower,1992），並會冒其他人不樂意接受的低水平風險 （Isen & Ceva, 1987；Isen & Patrick，1983）。這些結論再一次說明，我們從決策研究中得到的結論應被妥善地評價，以防止過度概括化的發生。 本書中很多結論的侷限還來源於決策研究本身的特性。首先，縱觀第4 章到第6章的內容，我們看到很多關於決策和判斷的研究都是與內容相關聯的 （Schum,1990）。理查德•格里格和詹姆斯•考克斯（1982）透過隨機安排大學生遇到兩類問題的實驗，有力地證明了這類侷限。實驗條件為（1）第20章中討論過的標準4卡片問題，（2）一個4卡片問題的修改版本：用短語 “DRINKING A BEER” （喝啤酒），“DRINKING A COKE” （喝可樂），“22 YEARS OF AGE”（22週歲）和“16 YEARS OF AGE”（16週歲）來代替 “E”、“K”、“4”和“7”四個字母（規則為如果一個人在喝啤酒，那麼這個人一定超過19週歲）。當使用喝啤酒的情境時，大約3/4的學生能正確解決問題，而當以字母和數字出題時，所有學生都失敗了。措辭的改變能夠影響共變判斷 （covariation judgment）（Crocker,1982）和聯合謬誤 （conjunction fallacy） （Fiedler,1988）。 使用大學生充當被試的實驗室研究方法也是目前決策和判斷研究中的一大侷限。儘管這些研究頗有價值，但實驗室設計的各種任務無法獲取與自然環境下相同的決策過程。舉例而言，埃貝 •埃布森（Ebbe Ebbesen）和 Vladimir Konecni（1975）發現，地方法官及高法法官在真實情境和虛擬情境下所做出的保釋判決差異巨大。第19章中曾經指出，專家級橋牌選手和專業氣象預報員比一般人能夠做出準確得多的判斷（Keren,1987；Murphy & Brown,1984； Murphy & Winkler,1984）。另一方面，許多研究顯示，專家們與普通大學生相比，在實驗中表現出了相同的偏差（Dube-Rioux & Russo,1988），或僅僅是偏差的程度略低（Christensen-Szalanski，Beck, Christensen-Szalanski， & Koepsell， 1983；Smith & Kida,1991）。很明顯，我們需要更多地針對專家決策者進行研究決策研究的另一個問題是缺乏跨文化取向。絕大多數的研究都侷限於北美洲和歐洲，極少研究世界其他地區的人是如何做決策的，由此導致的結果是， 我們很難判定這些結論具有多大範圍的適用性（Fletcher & Ward, 1988）。以下的一些例子描述了在取得肯定結論過程中存在的困難。 • 唐納德 •泰勒和韋施納 •賈格（Donald Taylor & Vaishna Jaggi,1974）發現了信仰印度教的印度人對偏差的歸因方式與美圖人相似，但其他學者的研究發現美國人和印度人在歸因風格上存在差異。與美國人傾向於出現基本歸因誤差相比，印度人習慣將行為歸因於情境因素而非個性因素

226 編後記：回顧 （Miler,1984）。 • 詹姆斯•斯托納（James Stoner，1968）認已經證明了美國、英國和以色列被試的風險轉移模式，但其他學者在美國、英國和亞洲被試中發現了他們在機率判斷一存在的差昇（Wright et al.，1978； Yates et al.，1989）。 • 塔哈• 阿米爾（Taha Amir，1984）發現科威特人與美國人在阿施範例上的測試結果比較類似，而 Noriyuki Matsuda（1985）發現日本人在這種測試上的得分水平要高於美國人。因而，上一年還認為是具有普遍意義的結論，在下一年就變成了與文化有關的結論。 • 還有研究顯示日本被試在歸因中沒有表現出自私的歸因偏差，這與美國、 印度、南非和南斯拉夫的研究結果有差異（Chandler,Shama,Wolf， & Planchard, 1981）。 上述結論僅僅指出了跨文化決策研究的複雜性中很小的一部分。在建立一個龐大的研究體系前，向任何非西方文化國家提供決策研究的成果及建議都需要非常謹慎。 決策研究者易犯的錯誤決策和判斷的研究通常對另一個問題非常頭痛——雖然很少提及，但有深遠的內涵。 決策和判斷的研究人員與實驗中的被試具有相似的出現偏差和誤差的可能。 這個無法迴避的問題的結果就是，所有關於決策和判斷的研究——畢竟這也是一系列決策和判斷結果——都容易出現偏差和誤差。 舉例而言，正如被試可能對他們的回答過分自信，決策的研究者也可能對他們的理論過度自信。同理，研究者易受認知不協調和投資陷阱的影響，並且有理由假設正是前期工作的沉沒成本誘使研究者進入陷阱。正如布羅克納和魯賓（1985，P.260）在他們關於圈套和陷阱的著作的結束語中提到的：“優秀的陷阱研究者——和成為我們實驗研究物件的決策者一樣——必須能夠在一個更大的框架下評估自己的行為。 巴魯克•菲施霍夫（1991）進一步觀察到，若研究者想要並期待著觀察到某種現象，就有可能過高評價其頻率（據推斷，這是由於與理論匹配的資料比不匹配的資料更容易被研究者注意到）。結果就是出現易得性偏差，匹配資料出現的頻次及（或）可能性就容易被過高評價，由此研究者可能會產生一個虛構的——至少是誇大的—理論與資料之間的相關。這種可能性與選擇性知覺、偏差的同化作用以及在不可信證據下對錯誤信念的盲目堅持等現象都相符 （例如，Lord,Ross， & Lepper,1979;Ross, Lepper， & Hubbard, 1975）。

編後記：回顧 227 也許研究中最嚴重的問題在於，研究者們傾向於某些固定化的偏見和自我實現的預言（Jenkins,1981；Rosenthal,1976）。羅伯特•羅森塔爾和克米特• 福德（Kermit Fode）（1963）作出這個題目下最早也是最戲劇化的研究。羅森塔爾和福德告訴12個實驗者，他們將以一些“迷宮一智慧型”老鼠或“迷宮一蠢笨型”老鼠為實驗物件進行實驗，而實際上所謂的標籤都是隨機分配的。 每個實驗者分配到5只老鼠進行實驗，要求實驗者記錄這些老鼠在50次走迷宮任務中的實驗結果。 對50次實驗結果取平均，羅森塔爾和福德發現那些“迷官一智慧型”老鼠比“迷宮一蠢笨型”老鼠正確走完迷宮的數量高出50%。因此，即使對結果的預期是隨機的，實驗者們報告的結果實際上只是他們心中的預期。 總結一下，決策和判斷研究常遭受自相矛盾的困擾：當其結論是正確的 （即存在偏差和誤差），其結論在某些程度上也受到偏差和誤差的影響。與此同時，當其結論不正確（即不存在偏差和誤差），其結論仍然可能有誤。兩種結果都無法擺脫偏差和誤差的出現。這種自相矛盾的困境與奧地利邏輯學家 Kurt Godel 之不完全法則（Incompleteness Theorem）的某些方面類似，他認為任何純使用算術並規範化的邏輯系統，都存在內在矛盾。 當然，與其他研究領域相比，在決策研究中，偏差和誤差並非起著更大的破壞作用。關鍵在於，不管多麼不情願，研究者們在考慮普通人易犯的錯誤時必須把自己考慮在內。本書在結尾處強調以上內容的目的在於進一步明確這一方向，即使只以斯金納（1980） 描述過的方式： “終於到了可以做決策的時候了！” Drawing by Jonik, 1981.The Newr Yorker Magozine, Inc.｝

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推薦讀物如果你想要閱讀有關決策與判斷領域的更多材料，那麼以下這些書是我強烈推薦的。 強調管理和商業背景下的決策與判斷的書籍有： • Russo, J. E.， & Schoemaker, P. J. H. （1989）. Decision traps:Ten barriers to brilliant decision making and how to ouercome them. New York : Simon & Schuster. • Bazerman,M. H. （1990）. Judgment in managerial decision making （2nd ed.）. New York:John Wiley & Sons. • Hogarth,R. （1987）.Judgment and choice （2nd ed.）.New York: John WiLey & Sons. 如果你想了解不強調商業應用的非技術性的概述，可以讀一讀： • Dawes, R. M. （1988）. Rational choice in an uncertain world. San Diego： Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. • Nisbett, R. E.， & Ross, L. （1980）. Human inference: Strategies and shortrumnings of social judgment. Englewood Sliffs, NJ: Prentice - Hall. • Gilovich, T. （1991）. Hou we knon tehat aint so. New York : Free Press. 如果想要獲取更深入的材料，請閱讀劍橋大學出版社出版的三本傑出的文集，以下就是這本書，其中的第•本被認為是當代的經典： • Kahneman, D.， Slovic, P.， & Tversky, A. （Eds.）.（1982）.Judgment under uncertainty: Heuristics and bieses. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. • Arkes, H. R.， & Hammond, K. R. （Eds.）. （1986）. Judgment and decision making : An interdisciplinury reader. Cambridge,England: Cambridge University Press. • Bell, D. E.， & Raiffa, H.， & Tversky, A. （Fds.）.（1988）.Decision masking: Descriptive,nornatite,and prescriptice interaetions. Cambridge， Wngland: Cambridge University Press. 芝加哥大學也出版了一本非常好的演講錄，以紀念決策研究者希勒爾•艾推薦讀物 259 因霍恩 （Hillel Einhom）： • Hogarth,R. M. （Ed.）.（1990）. Insights in decision mahing: A iribute to Hillel J. Einhorn. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 如果你想了解更多有關問題措辭的效應，請閱讀： • Schuman, H.， & Presser, S. （1981）. Questions and answers in attitude surveys: Experiments on question form,wording,and contest. Orlando, FL: Academic Press. • Hogarth,R. （Ed.）. （1982）.Nev directions for methodology of sociad and behavioral science : Question framing and response consistency. San Francisco： Jossey - Bass. • Sudman, S.， & Bradburn, N. M. （1982）. Ashing guessions: A practical guide to questionnaire design. San Francisco: Jossey - Bass. 最後，如果你想了解更多有關社會心理學領域內的決策與判斷，我推薦以下三本書： • Aronson,E. （1991）. The social aninal （6th rev. ed.）. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman and Company. • Zimbardo, P. G.， & Leippe, M. （1991）.The psychology of autitudle change andd social influence. New York : MeGraw - Hill. • Cialdini, R. B. （1988）. Influence : Science and practice （2nd ed.）. Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman. 安驗彌乎有關此電子圖書的說明本人由於一些便利條件，可以幫您提供各種中文電子圖書資料，且質量均為清晰的PDF 圖片格式，質量要高於網上大量傳播的一些超星PDG 的圖書。方便閱讀和攜帶。只要圖書不是太新，文學、法律、計算機、人文、經濟、醫學、工業、學術等方面的圖書，我都可以幫您找到電子版本。所以，當你想要看什麼圖書時，可以聯絡我。我的QQ是：85013855， 大家可以在QQ上聯絡我。 此PDF檔案為本人親自制作，請各位愛書之人尊重個人勞動，敬請您不要修改此 PDF 檔案。因為這些圖書都是有版權的，請各位憐惜電子圖書資源，不要隨意傳播，否則，這些資源更難以得到。